Thursday, July 12, 2012

Tony Blair July 2012



The Palestine papers

Blair says leak of Palestine papers 'destabilising' for peace process

Former prime minister, now Middle East peace envoy, says intention of leak 'was to be extremely damaging'
Tony Blair said the leak of the Palestine papers was 'destabilising'
Tony Blair said the leak of the Palestine papers was 'destabilising' and had damaged the peace process. Photograph: Vincent Kessler/Reuters
Tony Blair today accused those responsible for the leak of vast numbers of papers about talks between the Palestinians and the Israelis of wanting to seriously damage the peace process.
The former prime minister – now a Middle East peace envoy – said the release of the confidential documents prepared by Palestinian negotiators had been "destablising".
But, in an interview on BBC Radio 4's Today programme, he urged the Palestinians to ignore the damage caused and press ahead with the drive for peace.
Thousands of pages of Palestinian documents covering more than a decade of negotiations withIsrael and the US were obtained by al-Jazeera television and shared exclusively with the Guardian.
The papers revealed that Palestinian negotiators were willing to go much further in offering concessions than their people realised.
Asked how much damage the leaks had caused, Blair told Today: "I think it's hard to tell right now, but its intention was to be extremely damaging.
"I think, amongst Palestinians, it is slightly less hyper than it is elsewhere in the region. Most people, when they sit back and think about it, you would expect people to be negotiating, to be putting forward positions, taking them back."
Blair said he knew from his experience in Northern Ireland how damaging leaks of this kind could be.
"We could not have done the Northern Ireland peace process if, the entire time, [information] was being put out there with a pretty severe spin on it. So I think it is destabilising for the Palestinians," he added.
But he also said the Palestinians should not let the leak undermine the peace process. "I think we've just got to be big enough and strong enough to say, OK, whatever al-Jazeera are putting out, we're going to get on with making peace," he said.
In the interview, Blair also said Egypt should "evolve and modernise", but in a way that ensured stability.
"The challenges have been the same for these countries for a long period of time," he added. "The question is how they evolve and modernise, but do so with stability. The danger is [that] if you open up a vacuum, anything can happen.
"All over that region, there is essentially one issue, which is how do they evolve and modernise, both in terms of their economy, their society and their politics.
"All I'm saying is that, in the case of Egypt and in the case in Yemen, because there are other factors in this – not least those who would use any vacuum in order to foment extremism – that you do this in what I would call a stable and ordered way."
Blair said the west should engage with countries such as Egypt in the process of change "so that you weren't left with what is actually the most dangerous problem in the Middle East, which is that an elite that has an open minded attitude but it's out of touch with popular opinion, and popular opinion that can often – because it has not been given popular expression in its politics – end up frankly with the wrong idea and a closed idea."

Thursday, May 31, 2012

Netanyahu Sara 31st May 2012 Galey Zahal


גל"צ און ליין

קיללה את שרה נתניהו בקניון - ונעצרה לחקירה

הדס שטייף
17:37 , 31/05/2012

הביקור של אשת ראש הממשלה בקניון אבנת בפתח-תקווה בדרכה לצפון הסתיים באירוע לא נעים: מאבטחיה של שרה נתניהו נאלצו להשתלט על עוברת אורח שקיללה את הגברת הראשונה. תחילה חשבו כי גם ירקה עליה. שוטרים הוזעקו למקום, עצרו את האישה ולקחו אותה לחקירה. טרם ברור מה הוא בדיוק הרקע לאירוע



מבקרת בקניון אבנת בפתח-תקווה נעצרה בצהריים (ה') לאחר שקיללה את אשת ראש הממשלה, שרה נתניהו. מאבטחיה של נתניהו עצרו את האישה ומסרו אותה לידי כוחות שוטרים שהוזעקו לקניון ועצרו אותה, תחילה בחשד כי ירקה על נתניהו. הגברת הראשונה נכנסה לקניון בזמן שהייתה בדרכה לביקור בצפון.

לפני כשבועיים החל בבית הדין לעבודה בחיפה משפט בתביעה נגד נתניהו של עוזרת הבית שלה לשעבר ליליאן פרץ. פרץ, ששימשה כעוזרת בבית המשפחה בקיסריה, טוענת כי נתניהו התעללה בה, שילמה לה פחות משכר מינימום, ולא סיפקה לה את זכויות סוציאליות. בדיון שהתקיים היא אמרה: "יכולתי לנקות את הבית פעמיים בשבוע ארבע שעות בשיטות העבודה שלי, אבל אף אחד לא יכול היה לעמוד בסטנדרטים שלה". נתניהו מנגד הגישה תביעת לשון הרע בסכום של חצי מיליון שקלים.

לפני חודשים בודדים נפרדה שרה נתניהו מאביה, שמואל בן-ארצי, שהלך לעולמו בגיל 97 אחרי מאבק ממושך במחלה, ואף התגורר בבית ראש הממשלה תקופה מסוימת. לאחרונה נפטר גם אביו של ראש הממשלה, בן-ציון נתניהו, שמת בגיל המופלג של 101.

Monday, March 5, 2012

Yitzhak Rabin 4th November 1995 nytimes

ASSASSINATION IN ISRAEL: THE OVERVIEW;RABIN SLAIN AFTER PEACE RALLY IN TEL AVIV; ISRAELI GUNMAN HELD; SAYS HE ACTED ALONE

By SERGE SCHMEMANN
Published: November 05, 1995
Correction Appended
Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, who led Israel to victory in 1967 and began the march toward peace a generation later, was shot dead by a lone assassin this evening as he was leaving a vast rally in Tel Aviv.
Mr. Rabin, 73, was struck down by one or two bullets as he was entering his car. Police immediately seized a 27-year-old Israeli law student, Yigal Amir, who had been active in support of Israeli settlers but who told the police tonight that he had acted alone.
The police said Mr. Amir had also told them that he had tried twice before to attack the Prime Minister.
It was the first assassination of a prime minister in the 47-year history of the state of Israel, and it was certain to have extensive repercussions on Israeli politics and the future of the Arab-Israeli peace.
Mr. Rabin was to lead his Labor party in elections scheduled for November next year, and without him the prospects for a Labor victory, and of a continuation of his policies, were thrown into question.
In the immediate aftermath, Foreign Minister Shimon Peres, Mr. Rabin's partner in the peace negotiations, automatically became Acting Prime Minister. It was widely expected that he would be formally confirmed as Mr. Rabin's successor.
Mr. Rabin, who rose to national prominence as commander of the victorious Israeli army in the 1967 Six-Day War, became the second Middle Eastern leader, after President Anwar el-Sadat of Egypt, to be killed by extremists from his own side for seeking an Arab-Israeli peace. Mr. Sadat, the first Arab to make peace with Israel, was assassinated in 1984.
Mr. Rabin and his Labor Government have come under fierce attack from right-wing groups over the peace with the Palestinians, especially since the agreement transferring authority in the West Bank to the Palestine Liberation Organization was reached in September. Mr. Rabin has been heckled at many of his appearances in recent weeks and his security has been tight.
A gruff, chain-smoking career military man, Mr. Rabin led Israel both in its greatest military triumph and in one of its most dramatic bids for peace.
Shortly before his death, Mr. Rabin, obviously buoyed by the huge turnout of more than 100,000 supporters of the peace process, told the rally, "I always believed that most of the people want peace and are ready to take a risk for it." [Excerpts, page 16A.]
He then joined other participants in singing the "Song of Peace," a popular paean. Unfamiliar with the words, the prime minister followed from a text he tucked into his pocket.
Hours after the shooting, Mr. Peres said the blood-soaked sheet of music was found in his pocket and stood as a symbol of Mr. Rabin's sacrifice.
Since achieving a historic peace agreement with the P.L.O. in 1993, and especially since the follow-up agreement two months ago on establishing Palestinian self-rule in much of the West Bank, Mr. Rabin had come under increasingly bitter attack from Jewish residents of West Bank settlements and right-wing opponents of the agreement.
In recent months, he had been heckled at his appearances and had received open threats from extremist groups. The fury of the criticism led to a tightening of security around him and other government ministers, and to a growing debate about the potential for violence.
As he walked to his car this evening, Mr. Rabin gave his last interview to a radio reporter, saying, "I always believed that the majority of the people are against violence, violence which in the recent period took a shape which damages the framework of fundamental values of Israeli democracy."
At 9:30 P.M., as he was preparing to enter his car, there were four shots. Two struck one of Mr. Rabin's bodyguards, who was reported in critical condition. One or two struck the prime minister. The Minister of Health, Ephraim Sneh, said Mr. Rabin had no heartbeat or blood pressure when he arrived at Ichilov Hospital. He was pronounced dead at 11:10 P.M.
At 11:15 P.M. the director of Mr. Rabin's office, Eytan Haber, came out before the waiting crowd at the hospital to read a brief statement: "The Government of Israel announces with shock and deep sorrow the death of the Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin, who was murdered by an assassin tonight in Tel Aviv."
The crowd, which only recently was singing and dancing in the streets, erupted in shouts of "No! No!"
The rally had been called by a coalition of left-wing political parties and peace groups as a response to increasingly strident street protests by the right-wing opponents of the peace agreement. More than 100,000 people turned out on Kings of Israel Square in front of Tel Aviv's city hall; organizers declared it the largest rally in the coastal city in at least a decade.
As word spread, seens of grief and fear spread through Israeli streets. In Jerusalem, women wept and stunned students gathered in groups, wondering what would happen to them and their future.
"I'm not crying for Rabin, I'm crying for Israel," one woman sobbed. About 1,000 mourners gathered outside Mr. Rabin's residence with candles, while devout Jews gathered at the Western Wall in the Old City to chant memorial prayers.
For all the passion of the debate over the peace, the notion of an assassination of an Israeli leader by an Israeli Jew was far from anybody's mind in a nation whose greatest bond has been the joint Jewish struggle for survival against hostile Arab neighbors.
Mr. Rabin's spokewoman and close aide, Aliza Goren, who was next to him when he was shot, said, "I never imagined that a Jew would murder a Jew. It's a horrible thing. If someone imagines that he can seize power through murder, then our state is simply finished."
In the immediate aftermath, the police gave no indication that the student, Mr. Amir, had any support, though some reporters received messages on their beepers from an unknown group that described itself as the "Jewish Avenging Organization" taking responsiblity for the attack.
The police said that before entering the law school of Bar-Ilan University, Mr. Amir had studied in a yeshiva, a religious institution, and was a member of Eyal, an extreme right-wing group. Eyal leaders, however, denied any link to the killing.
Like many Israelis, Mr. Amir was licensed to carry a pistol. He lived in Herzliya, a northern suburb of Tel Aviv. The Israeli radio said he had confessed, and quoted him as saying: "I acted alone on God's orders and I have no regrets."
About an hour after the death was announced, the full Cabinet met, with Mr. Rabin's place draped in black. Ministers wept as Mr. Peres eulogized Mr. Rabin as a rare and determined leader who was aware of the risk he took.
Mr. Peres also vowed that the process he and Mr. Rabin launched would continue: "We are all determined to continue on this great path, to serve the people, the state. The only thing we can do after this tragedy is to continue on this course."
Officials said Mr. Rabin's body would lie in state at the Parliament on Sunday and would be buried on Monday afternoon at the Israeli state cemetery on Mount Herzl, in Jerusalem. President Clinton is among the leaders to announce that he would attend.
Mr. Clinton had led the historic meeting on Sept. 13, 1993, at which Mr. Rabin shook hands with Yasir Arafat, the chairman of the P.L.O., and began the journey toward peace. Mr. Clinton also presided over the signing of the follow-up agreement last Sept. 28 that set out the schedule for the transfer of authority to the Palestinians over their population centers in the West Bank.
In Gaza, Mr. Arafat expressed condolences and the hope that the process toward peace would continue, saying, "I hope that we will have the ability -- all of us, Israelis and Palestinians -- to overcome this tragedy against the peace process, against the whole situation in the Middle East."
Israeli conservative leaders immediately condemned the attack and joined in expressing their grief.
Benjamin Netanyahu, the leader of the Likud opposition coalition, called the assassination "one of the worst tragedies in the history of the state of Israel, and even the history of the Jewish people."
With Mr. Peres and Mr. Arafat, Mr. Rabin was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1994 for the secret negotiations in 1993 that led to the agreement to end Israeli rule over the Palestinians in the occupied territories.
But the peace also provoked a loud and passionate opposition. Settlers and right-wing nationalists have held held constant demonstrations and protests, blocked intersections and jeering Mr. Rabin wherever he appeared.
In the immediate grief, there was little discussion of the political repercussions of the assassination. But it was bound to have a major impact. In the elections scheduled for next November, voters will be voting separately for the prime minister for the first time in Israeli history, and Mr. Rabin's personality, age and record were expected to be a central issue.
Mr. Peres is generally acknowledged to be far less popular than than Mr. Rabin was, and it was possible that Labor would seek a more acceptible leader.
Mr. Rabin's popularity stemmed from his record as a genuine war hero, and from his reputation for rough candor. He was accepted by supporters as a man they could trust, and many political analysts felt that no other contemporary political leader could have persuaded Israelis to accept a deal with Mr. Arafat, who was universally perceived in Israel as a terrorist dedicated to the crushing of the Jewish state.
Born on March 20, 1922, Mr. Rabin came to national prominence as the military chief of staff during the Six Day War in 1967, when Israel swept through the West Bank and East Jerusalem. The images of Israeli soldiers weeping at the Western Wall, previously in Arab hands, remain a national icon in Israel.
After the war, Mr. Rabin was appointed Ambassador to Washington, where he served from 1968 to 1973. He was elected Prime Minister in 1974, but was compelled to step down in 1977 over a scandal involving an illegal bank account his wife held in the United States. He was Defense Minister from 1984 to 1990, during the Arab uprising in occupied territories, which he fought with an iron hand. Mr. Rabin returned to the Prime Ministry in 1992.
A year later, he and Mr. Peres stunned the world when they announced that secret negotiations with the P.L.O. in Oslo had produced an agreement to end the hostility between Israelis and Palestinians. The agreement was sealed with the historic handshake between Mr. Rabin and Mr. Arafat at the White House on Sept. 13, 1993. A year later, Israel signed a peace agreement with Jordan, leaving only Syria and Lebanon among its neighbors still in a state of hostility with Israel.
Correction: November 6, 1995, Monday A front-page article yesterday about the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin misstated the year President Anwar el-Sadat of Egypt was assassinated. It was 1981, not 1984.

Sunday, February 5, 2012

Ben Caspit 2012 Arik Sharon Legacy

מורשת שרון
עמרי שרון שילם את חובו לחברה כשריצה מאסר על עבירה שבה איש לפניו לא הואשם. כעת, זו זכותו המלאה לתמוך בלבני לראשות קדימה
בן כספית | 5/2/2012 5:30
תגיות: עמרי שרון,מפלגת קדימה
עמרי שרון הצטרף למאמץ הפריימריז של ציפי לבני
בקדימה, ומחול הצביעות פרץ. בואו ניזכר בפרטים: עמרי שרון הואשם והורשע בעבירה שבה איש לפניו לא הואשם - עבירה על חוק מימון המפלגות. הוא הודה באשמה, לא ניהל משפט, חסך למדינה את הטרחה והאנרגיה, לא השתלח במערכת המשפט, לא בא בטענות לאף אחד, גם לא ביקש חנינה. צרר את הקיטבג שלו ונכנס לכלא מעשיהו. לא צריך להיות גאון כדי לדעת שאם שמו לא היה שרון, הוא לא היה נכנס לבית הסוהר.

אבל הוא נכנס, שילם את חובו לחברה ויצא. לא התראיין, לא שיסה את מקורביו בבית המשפט, לא סיפר שתפרו לו תיק. כל זאת אף על פי שידע, כמו שאנחנו יודעים, מה היה קורה אלמלא אחזו רבים וטובים בזכות השתיקה בנוגע לעמותות ברק, למשל, בבחירות99', שבהן הוצפה המדינה בכסף ממקורות עלומים שמקום קבורתם לא נודע. עמרי לקח את האחריות, נשא בעונש ושתק.

כשאני מקשיב למקורביו של שלמה בניזרי שיצאו מחוריהם בשבועות האחרונים לקראת שחרור פטרונם - איך הם ממשיכים לחרף ולגדף את שלטון החוק, את נשיא המדינה ואת מי לא, ואיך הם ממשיכים לטעון שבניזרי צדיק, שתפרו לו תיק, אם כי ייתכן שהוא "טעה" - אני מבין את ההבדל. מה גם שכאן מדובר בשוחד בסכומים גבוהים, ושם מדובר במימון מפלגות.

מאז ששוחרר מהכלא, עמרי שרון כמעט לא עשה דבר. הוא עובד בחוות שקמים וממעט להיראות בציבור. עכשיו הוא עושה. מה בדיוק? לא הרבה. הוא מצטרף למטה של לבני. בהתנדבות. הוא לא רץ לכנסת, הוא לא חוזר לחיים הפוליטיים, הוא לא מתמודד ואפילו לא אוחז בתפקידים שבהם שימש במטה הבחירות של אביו, תפקידים שהמיטו עליו את צרותיו הפליליות.
דילמה לא פשוטה

למה הוא עושה את זה? כי הוא מאמין וחש מחויבות למפלגה שאביו והוא הקימו. הוא חושב שלבני צריכה להנהיג את קדימה, ושניצחון של מופז יהיה סופה של קדימה כפי שהכיר אותה וכפי שהגו מקימיה. אני לא יודע אם עמרי שרון צודק, אבל אני כן יודע שזו זכותו המלאה לחשוב כפי שהוא חושב ולפעול כפי שהוא פועל. ואני גם יודע שבמטה מופז היו שמחים אם היה מודיע על תמיכתו בהם. כשהחליט לתמוך בצד השני, התנפלו עליו. מילא, ככה זה בפוליטיקה.

שני אחים יש במשפחת שרון, עמרי וגלעד, ואני מעדיף את הראשון, בהרבה, על השני. כן, הראשון הורשע בדין וריצה עונש מאסר, אבל הוא ישראלי ערכי, צנוע, שחטא ושילם על חטאיו. ישראלי שמתנדב כל חייו, שקפץ למים כשהיו זקוקים לו ושקיבל את האחריות כשהייתה שלו.

אני מעדיף אותו בהרבה על אחיו, שקיבל מיליונים רבים
מדודי אפל כדי לגלוש כמה רגעים באינטרנט, בתקופה שבה אביו היה ראש הממשלה והאי היווני היה עדיין תוכנית מבטיחה. וחוץ מזה, תחשבו מה ההתנפלות על עמרי שרון אומרת מבחינתם של אסירים משוחררים על הסיכוי להשתלב מחדש בחברה, לקבל צ'אנס לחזור לתפקוד מלא ולהשתקם. אם המחוקק היה רוצה למחוק את האנשים האלה מחיינו, הוא היה עושה את זה. אבל הוא לא עשה. צריך לקחת גם את זה בחשבון.

אם הייתי מתפקד בקדימה, אין לי מושג למי הייתי מצביע - לבני או מופז. יש למתפקדי קדימה דילמה לא פשוטה, וגם הקרב בין המועמדים צפוי, לדעתי, להיות צמוד עד הרגע האחרון. מה שבטוח, הצטרפותו של עמרי שרון לצוות של לבני לא הייתה משפיעה עליי לכאן או לשם. זאת בניגוד לאחיו גלעד. המפלגה שבה ירוץ גלעד לכנסת, אם ירוץ, תהיה זו שלא תקבל את קולי בשום מקרה.

Friday, January 27, 2012

Samuel Cohen Jaffa Jan 2012

The party's over for Tzipi- Yoel Marcus- and my published Response

by Samuel Cohen on Friday, January 27, 2012 at 4:23pm


Published 03:07 27.01.12

Latest update 03:07 27.01.12

The party's over for Tzipi

They used to say that Prime Minister Golda Meir was the only 'man' in Mapai; they're not saying that Livni is Kadima's Golda. Mapai members did not dare utter a word against Golda, while Livni has had quite a few rivals inside the party who ignored her.

The party's over for Tzipi



I don't know whether you've noticed, but Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's face is glowing. He smiles, sports a perfect shave and haircut, all the way to the cameras. Check what happens when he shakes the hands of guests from abroad - the U.S. chief of staff, for example: While the guest looks straight at his host, Bibi focuses on the camera, the spectators. With a smile that says: "Nu, you see? There's nobody like me."



Who would have believed that Bibi, with just 12 Knesset seats in the opposition, would survive? In the last election Likud ended up with 27 seats, while Kadima, headed by Tzipi Livni, had 28. Bibi rules with a strong hand and an outstretched arm over an almost absolute majority with the ultra-Orthodox, Avigdor Lieberman (Yisrael Beitenu ) and a huge cabinet of 40 ministers and deputy ministers. And judging by what is happening to Kadima, there's a reasonable chance that Bibi will win a third term as prime minister.



If former Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, the founder of Kadima, could see what is currently happening within his party, he would go into a coma again. Kadima is today the most fractured party in the Knesset. From the moment Livni took over the leadership, she hasn't enjoyed even a moment of grace. She doesn't exist as an opposition like that of Likud during Menachem Begin's time, or even during Bibi's, but is destroying herself in her own party.



Livni made a mistake when she appointed Shaul Mofaz as her deputy, thereby creating an internal rival with her own hands. The relationship between the two is reminiscent of a story about two Israeli companies competing over the sale of a specific item to Singapore. Their mutual condemnations were so extreme that the buyer in Singapore believed both of them and purchased the item in France. A true story.



The internal conflicts in Kadima are liable to lead to the party's destruction, or as Benjamin Franklin once said: "We must all hang together or, most assuredly, we shall all hang separately." Israel, which is in need of a center-left party - but not a left-wing party and certainly not a messianic one - found it in Kadima. The last thing they expected was that it would be destroyed in internal wars.



I remember my first meeting with Livni. She amazed me with her talent for analysis and her ability to express herself. This is it, I said to myself. But my admiration dissolved after she assumed the role of party leader. As the leader of an opposition party she was nonexistent, not to mention the fact that she was unable to present herself as an alternative to the prime minister. Nor did she control the party whose platform she proudly claimed to have written.



They used to say that Prime Minister Golda Meir was the only "man" in Mapai (the predecessor of the Labor Party ); they're not saying that Livni is Kadima's Golda. Mapai members did not dare utter a word against Golda, while Livni has had quite a few rivals inside the party who ignored her.



Her decision to move up the primaries, to almost two years before the planned elections, is her second mistake (after appointing Mofaz as her deputy after the previous elections ).



Her arrogance was interpreted as weakness, and it's no wonder that today every bastard is a king. Dalia Itzik, for example, has yet to decide whether she is with Livni or Mofaz. Ruhama Avraham Balila is also hesitating, and there is a rival named Avi Dichter, and this is before we have heard the plans of Haim Ramon and Tzachi Hanegbi. They could be a winning pair opposite Livni.



Mofaz has built a strong foundation for himself. He knows how to embrace and distribute jobs, whereas Livni is arrogant and treats him with insulting coldness. Everyone remembers Mofaz's speech, during which Livni continually mocked him by blurting out, "Wonderful." Even rivals Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres, says a member of Kadima, learned how to work together in spite of their grudges. Now Mofaz is threatening her leadership.



Mofaz will bring her to unpleasant places, says a well-informed observer. Livni's main asset is her rational attitude toward the conflict. Not a messianic party, but one that operates with statesmanlike logic. But the internal wars will destroy her. We have enough extremists here who will be happy if Kadima disappears.



When I asked a senior Kadima MK what has to be done, he replied unequivocally: "We have to hit Mofaz and Livni with a 5-kilogram hammer." Kadima is in a state of self-destruction at a time when we are most in need of it. Bibi is enjoying the best of all worlds: an overwhelming majority, a two-year budget and a chance at a third term. He will keep on smiling until the day an Iranian Shahab missile falls on Tel Aviv.



And nobody will be able to say that Kadima had nothing to do with it.

This story is by:

Yoel Marcus

Samuel Cohen:

Why Ignore the Real Issue of Dangerous System of Elections in Israel??

Samuel Cohen

27.01.12

15:06



I hope Kadima overcomes this storm I was there thursday and all the Leaders Agree that The present system of Elections that Ben-Gurion Wanted to Change is Dangerous! In the 1950's It was Menachem Begin on the Right and Mapam and Achdut Haavoda on the Left who were against change of this extreme PR Proportional Representation Similar to German Weimar Republic. Between WW1 1918 to WW2 1938 many countries in Europe Suffered from Weak Governments that lasted for less than a year due to PR. Read Mark Mazower (The Historian) on this Subject. A long list of Israeli Leaders Agree on this. From Liberman thru Netanyahu , Barak Dalia Rabin Mofaz Tzipi Livni Foad Ben Eliezer Meir Shitrit Lipkin Shachak Dan Haluttz Sharanski Meir Dagan Yisrael Hasson Yosi Beilin... Ophir Pines Paz. And Many Others. Read Megidor Report of January 2007... Enough is Enough. Without Democracy we will not have consistent Policies. On the other hand Tommy Lapid and Shas Supported the Worse System of two votes 1-For PM 2- Party. As THEY Benefited from this sick mess. Last week at Tel Aviv University my Professor Shlomo Aronson Said this about Eshkol and Ben Gurion over 6 Day War. Aso David Landau Former Editor of J Post and Haaretz....